Libya's upcoming elections: growing by the standard of contexts and tests for Libya
Libya's upcoming elections: growing by the standard of contexts and tests for Libya
The upcoming Libyan elections, which were prepared for by the contribution of the Electoral Commission at the end of 2018, includes a number of advantages, to include a direct support by UN envoy Ghassan Salama to Libya, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
As we the writers and intellectuals, at this crucial stage in the history of modern Libya, we propose the concept of standard contexts and tests to the Libyan people to deal with the upcoming elections of the complexities that maneuvers around the Libyan nation.
The intellectuals and writers show the way to the Libyans how to work and to deal with the upcoming elections in the Libyan constitutional challenges that make the coming period very different from others previous periods in Libya's history on the constitutional legitimacy of contemporary Libya.
Benefits that Libya had known before the constitutional Libyan Kingdom, Libya sought to demand the unity and independence as well as the non-imposition of guardianship over Libya, which was agreed by Britain, Italy and France on March 10, 1949, on the project "BEVIN-SFORZA PLAN" for Libya.
Libya's options today are not as the same as announced by British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and Italian Foreign Minister Count Carlo Sforza a joint plan on May 10, 1949, for the United Nations to grant British tutelage in Barka province and Italy in Tripoli province and France in Fezzan province for ten years and then Libya becomes an Independent State.
But after World War II, and after Italy had to give up its African colonies under the terms of its February 1949 peace treaty with the Allies, Libya was under temporary United Nations responsibility, although Britain and France continued to manage them partly to protect their interests and partly to avoid Soviet intervention, but the plan was rejected by the General Assembly of the United Nations because it is the interface of severe hostility in Libya.
Highlighting some aspects of this particularity of Libya's independence gives us enlightenment on the path of the current and expected transformation of the new modern Libya.
These benefits come to the concept of the criterion in which the alternative is proposed to solve the problem and the UN plan sponsored by Ghassan Salama for the elections as a temporary stage by the United Nations on Libya.
Libya's history repeats itself again, which in October 1950 established a constituent assembly of sixty members representing each of the three regions of Libya and twenty members on 25 November of the same year, in which the Constituent Assembly would meet to determine the shape of the Libyan state.
It is a scene in which the political poles, national forces, intellectuals and writers of Libya unite and push the national figures with high educational skills and exclude any Libyan figure not willing to contribute to the benefits of the Libyan United and Independent State.
We shall discuss some other scenes, some of which are constitutive factors, some of which are to deal with the Constitution of Libya of 1951, as amended in 1963, or in the constitutional draft of (determining the dual nationality of a candidate, determining the number of nationalities, national figures and the Libyan state), and the natural evolution of political practice in a Libyan social environment which known as a rapid and widespread changes.
It is clear that the features of the electoral scene expected in Libya, the work of stability and security of the Libyan state and the elimination of the Libyan militias and the establishment of the unity of the Libyan national army, the protector of the Libyan state and its people.
Adopting the new Libyan constitution in the process of the upcoming electoral entitlements and included in different institutional and political contexts that reflect the previous situation of the crisis in the unification of Libyan political and economic parallel institutions.
The changes that should be made to the Libyan political, institutional and military organizations in the coming period, would have a significant impact, especially in the establishment of none- parallel institutions that slow the transit of Libya from the transition period to the stage of stability of the state of Libya, it is an exceptional stage in the experience of politics and national democratic transformation.
The institutional context comes to every human activity that can express its collective product in an expression of its own political philosophy, as was the verbal objection in Tripoli to the federal system.
The federation was among the three Libyan territories in the historical era of the independent states, but today Libya is witnessing a unified national unity under constitutionalism Libyan legitimacy of a new political system.
The ratification of the new constitution reduces the legislative institution, not in a single chamber of deputies, which has unprecedented powers in the history of Libyan political institutions.
Characterization of democratic reforms started with the beginning of the glorious Libyan revolution of the seventeenth of February, without the presence of the system of two parliamentary chambers.
However, the meaning of a political philosophy is a philosophy that is vested in a law that includes the establishment of elected regional councils that combine their full features and a sphere that refers to giving the parliamentary opposition roles that they did not previously possess.
A political role that was granted to the political parties to participate and to be included in the empowerment of the country and the major political parties should have a term of representation in parliament.
According to the constitution of Libya, in the context of promoting decentralization and promoting economic development, let us start by restructuring the Independent Electoral Commission and increasing the number of its members.
Then we need to proceed to prepare a completely new electoral list, using the Bureau of Statistics, after receiving the judiciary for the legality of the draft Constitution of Libya or even the 1951 Constitution of Libya.
Libya must witness broad political participation after the announcement of the participating Libyan national political parties; this is exactly what the political parties' philosophy of political participation means.
The pattern of the political system is concerning the political parties in Libya to be ready for acceptance and intellectual and multi-party proposals.
The competition of the political parties in Libya is a natural competition that is fought in these battle elections and their eyes on the next major entitlements that require the Libyan political forces aspiring to work since the revolution and earn their eligibility to participate in those elections.
In the context of the Libyan territories, each region is going through developments that may have an electoral landscape in determining the internal economic policies of each region according to the circumstances they may face.
And all regions of the country of Libya must fall under the guidance of the central authority of the Libyan state in the general provisions of the Libyan state.
Libya has known a lot of volatility after independence, including the pressure of neighboring countries, which considers Libya politically unstable and economically unstable countries.
Active, stable and secure Libya must be first place, the next scene where the national forces may seek contacts, research, and consultation through intensive work of the situation of the three Libyan regions.
The pivotal repercussions on the mood of the Libyan people who desire the stability and security of the Libyan state and thus exit from the honorable positions of the Libyan political forces and achieve all the gains for Libya.
By Professor Ramzi Mavrakis
A Libyan businessman
